Labial synharmonism as a source of phonematic variativity

https://doi.org/10.20339/PhS.6-19.003

Moskvin Vasily P.,

Doctor of Philology, Professor, Professor of the Russian Language and Methods of its Teaching Department

Volgograd State Socio-Pedagogical University

e-mail: vasmoskvin@yandex.ru 

The article describes the types of vowels’ distant labialization, particularly [u]-labialization peculiar to modern vernacular speech and dating back to Old Russian. So far it has not attracted researchers’ attention. This type of labialization ties up vowels located: within the lexical stem; including progressive labialization: булушная, музука, regressive labialization: тубурет, гусударь; both in the stem and in the inflexion; there is a possibility of progressive labialization  defining the vocalism of the inflexion by that of the stem: буржуюм for буржуям, Июдѣюмъ for Июдѣѥмъ, regressive labialization defining the vocalism of the stem by that of the inflexion: грамуту. In last case the new vocalism is grammatically bound (Accus. Sing. воевуду, грамуту, Dat. Sing. горуду, къ гроубоу); but in some cases, on analogy with synharmonic forms, the vocalism of the stem is completely changed (vernacular денюжка). Arguments are offered in favour of the fact that  in the [e]→[o] transition in Old Russian the new vocalism of the stem was originally bound, too, i.e. it was tied up to synharmonic forms (жонъ, яромъ ‘yoke’, озоро, серобро), later on, under the influence of analogy, it was extrapolated to other forms (жёны, озёра); the processes connected with the [u]-labialization are isomorphous.

Key words: synharmonism, labialization, [e]→[o] transition, phonematic variant, literary norm.

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